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Beyond Representation: Women’s Right to Lead and a Policy for Gender Justice and Institutional Accountability in Nigeria

“Women ruling is a privilege, not a right they should enjoy.”

That was what she was told until she became self-aware enough to question the conspicuous lie she had been taught to accept. For too long, women’s leadership has been treated as a privilege granted by society rather than an equal opportunity they have a right to pursue. Women have been expected to seek permission, repeatedly prove their competence, and justify their presence in spaces where authority has traditionally been dominated by men.

But leadership does not belong to any gender.

Women deserve equal opportunities to participate in politics, occupy positions of authority, shape public policy, and contribute to decisions that affect their lives. Their participation should not be restricted by gender stereotypes, patriarchal expectations, or assumptions about who is naturally suited to lead. This principle is reflected in Article 7 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which recognises women’s equal rights to participate in political and public life. Section 42 of Nigeria’s Constitution also prohibits specified forms of discrimination, including discrimination on the basis of sex.

Of course, having an equal right to pursue leadership does not mean everyone is entitled to a particular position. It means that gender should not be a barrier to participation, opportunity, or fair consideration. Likewise, choosing to lead or follow should be a matter of individual choice, not a role imposed by society because of one’s gender.

The issue, therefore, is not whether women deserve to lead. It is why their leadership is still treated as something they must justify. However, representation alone is not enough. A woman occupying a position of authority does not automatically guarantee policies that advance women’s rights or address gender inequality. We must also examine how power is exercised, whose interests are considered, and whether public institutions are accountable for the decisions they make. This raises a more important question: How can Nigeria move beyond simply increasing women’s representation to building institutions that promote gender justice, meaningful participation, and accountability?

Proposed Policy A Gender-Responsive Governance and Accountability Framework for Nigeria

Policy focus: Women’s participation, gender-based violence prevention, institutional accountability, and inclusive public policymaking

1. Background and Rationale

Gender inequality in Nigeria is not only a question of representation. It also concerns access to public services, economic opportunities, protection from violence, and participation in decisions that shape people’s lives. Women and girls may face barriers in accessing healthcare, education, employment, justice, and positions of authority. Gender-based violence further demonstrates the consequences of institutional failures when prevention, protection, and support systems are inadequate or difficult to access. Although legal and policy frameworks exist to address some of these concerns, their effectiveness depends on implementation, coordination, public awareness, and accountability.

My interest in this issue is informed by my academic background in Mass Communication and my undergraduate research on the portrayal of trauma associated with Female Genital Mutilation in the movie Desert Flower. Engaging with this subject strengthened my understanding of how harmful practices affect individuals and why policies must consider the lived experiences of the people they are intended to protect.

I am also interested in the relationship between representation and accountability. The presence of women in leadership is important, but gender-responsive governance requires more than representation. It requires institutions that listen to affected communities, respond to their needs, and demonstrate measurable progress in protecting their rights.

2. Statement of the Problem

A central challenge in gender-responsive governance is the gap that can exist between policy commitments and the experiences of the people those policies are intended to serve.

Women may be underrepresented in decision-making spaces, while those who experience gender-based violence may encounter barriers when seeking healthcare, legal assistance, psychosocial support, or protection.

Fragmented referral systems, limited public awareness, inadequate resources, and inconsistent institutional responses can make it difficult for individuals to obtain the assistance they need.

Furthermore, women, young people, people with disabilities, and other affected groups may not always have meaningful opportunities to shape policies concerning their welfare.

The problem is therefore twofold: women and other underrepresented groups need fair opportunities to participate in decision-making, and public institutions must be accountable for how they implement policies affecting those groups.

3. Policy Goal and Objectives

The proposed policy aims to strengthen gender-responsive governance by promoting women’s participation in public decision-making and improving institutional accountability for policies concerning gender equality and gender-based violence.

Its objectives are to:

1. Promote women’s meaningful participation in policymaking and public leadership.

2. Improve access to healthcare, education, employment opportunities, and support services for affected groups.

3. Strengthen coordination and accountability among institutions responsible for preventing and responding to gender-based violence.

4. Improve public awareness of citizens’ rights, available support services, and opportunities to participate in governance.

5. Involve women, young people, civil society organisations, and other relevant stakeholders in policy design, implementation, and evaluation.

6. Establish monitoring mechanisms to assess whether policies are being implemented effectively and responding to citizens’ needs.

4. Proposed Policy Interventions

A. Women’s participation in decision-making

Relevant state and local institutions should create regular opportunities for women and women’s organisations to contribute to policy discussions, consultations, and public hearings.

Participation should extend beyond attendance at meetings. Institutions should document recommendations, explain how these contributions influence decisions, and provide reasons when particular proposals are not adopted.

The aim is to ensure that women are not merely represented in governance but are able to influence the policies and decisions that affect them themselves.

B. Gender-based violence prevention and survivor support

The Oyo State Government, working with relevant agencies and civil society organisations, should assess existing services and strengthen coordination between healthcare providers, law enforcement, legal assistance providers, psychosocial support services, and safe accommodation providers.

Clear referral procedures, appropriate staff training, confidentiality safeguards, and accessible information should help survivors navigate available services.

The policy should also strengthen public education on prevention, available support, and the responsibilities of relevant institutions. All interventions must respect survivors’ dignity, informed consent, privacy, and safety.

C. Gender-responsive public services

Relevant institutions should assess whether women and other underserved groups face particular barriers to healthcare, education, employment, and other essential services.

Findings should inform service improvements, public spending priorities, and measures to reduce discriminatory barriers.

For example, consultations with women and young people could help identify obstacles to accessing reproductive healthcare, completing education, entering employment, or obtaining support after experiencing violence.

Policy responses should be based on documented needs rather than assumptions about what affected communities require.

D. Civic education and public awareness

Drawing on the importance of communication in public participation, the framework should promote accessible information about legislative processes, citizens’ rights, public services, and available complaint mechanisms.

Schools, universities, community organisations, youth groups, and women’s organisations could support awareness initiatives.

The objective is to help citizens understand how decisions are made, how to engage with public institutions, and how to seek assistance when services fail to meet established standards.

E. Institutional accountability and transparent monitoring

Relevant institutions should establish clear responsibilities and service standards for implementing gender-related policies.

Periodic reviews should assess progress, identify implementation gaps, and recommend corrective action. Public reporting should communicate progress without disclosing confidential personal information. Accountability mechanisms should include appropriate complaint procedures, administrative reviews, and lawful disciplinary processes where misconduct is established.

The purpose is to ensure that public commitments are evaluated against actual implementation and outcomes.

5. Implementation Strategy

The policy should begin with a pilot in selected communities in Ibadan, based on an assessment of existing services, institutional capacity, and community needs.

Phase One: Research and consultation. Map existing programmes, review applicable laws and policies, identify service gaps, and consult women, youth representatives, healthcare providers, legal professionals, and civil society organisations.

Phase Two: Pilot implementation. Establish agreed referral procedures, organise civic education initiatives, create structured opportunities for women’s participation, and introduce clear institutional reporting standards.

Phase Three: Monitoring and evaluation. Assess service accessibility, institutional responsiveness, stakeholder participation, and progress towards the policy objectives. Use the findings to improve the approach.

Phase Four: Expansion and adaptation. If the pilot demonstrates useful results, consider expansion across Oyo State and share lessons that other Nigerian states can adapt to their own institutions, resources, and legal arrangements.

Implementation should build on existing institutions wherever possible to reduce duplication and make effective use of public resources.

6. Stakeholder Responsibilities

Effective implementation would require collaboration and co-operation among:

* Oyo State Government and relevant ministries: Policy leadership, funding, coordination, and oversight.

* Legislative institutions: Public consultations, legislative scrutiny, and consideration of policy reforms within their mandates.

* Healthcare providers, law enforcement, and justice institutions: Appropriate services, referrals, protection, and lawful responses to reported cases.

* Women’s organisations and civil society groups: Community engagement, specialist expertise, independent feedback, and advocacy.

* Educational institutions and youth organisations: Civic education and awareness initiatives.

* Women and affected communities: Participation in policy design, identification of service gaps, and evaluation of outcomes.

Clear responsibilities and regular communication would help ensure that stakeholders work towards shared objectives.

7. Monitoring and Evaluation

The policy should establish baseline measures before implementation and review progress at agreed intervals.

Possible indicators include:

* The number and diversity of women and affected stakeholders participating in consultations.

* Evidence that stakeholder recommendations are considered in policy decisions.

* Accessibility and availability of relevant support services.

* Institutional compliance with agreed service standards and referral procedures.

* Public awareness of rights, services, and avenues for civic participation.

* Progress in addressing identified gaps in healthcare, education, employment, and protection services.

Evaluation should consider both quantitative data and qualitative feedback. Sensitive information must be handled securely, and any survivor feedback should be voluntary and collected through appropriate safeguarding procedures.

8. Expected Outcomes

If adequately funded and effectively implemented, the framework could strengthen women’s participation in public decision-making, improve coordination among relevant institutions, and make gender-related policies more responsive to citizens’ experiences. It could also improve public understanding of legislative processes and provide clearer mechanisms for identifying institutional shortcomings. Over time, the framework could help strengthen accountability, support more inclusive public services, and encourage governance practices in which women’s rights and lived experiences are considered in policy decisions.

These outcomes would depend on effective implementation, sustained institutional commitment, adequate resources, and regular evaluation.

9. Conclusion

Women’s participation in leadership should not be treated as a privilege granted by society. Equal opportunity, freedom from unlawful discrimination, and meaningful participation in public life are essential to inclusive governance.

I believe that gender-responsive governance requires both the inclusion of women in decision-making and the willingness to evaluate whether public policies deliver fair and effective outcomes.

Ultimately, the goal is not simply to create more opportunities for women to occupy positions of authority. It is to build institutions in which women and other affected communities can meaningfully influence decisions, access essential services, and hold public authorities accountable for their responsibilities.

Policy Title: Statewide Menstrual Health and Girls’ Education Protection Policy

The Problem

Menstrual health challenges, limited access to sanitary products, inadequate sanitation facilities, and poverty can make it difficult for girls to participate consistently in school. Girls should not have to choose between managing their menstrual health and pursuing their education.

My Policy Proposal

I propose that the State House of Assembly introduce a Menstrual Health and Girls’ Education Protection Policy to ensure that every girl in public primary and secondary schools has access to menstrual hygiene education, affordable or free sanitary products for girls from low-income households, and safe, private, and functional sanitation facilities.

The policy should require schools to provide age-appropriate menstrual health education, establish confidential reporting channels for menstrual health-related challenges, and strengthen protection against discrimination, bullying, and exclusion associated with menstruation.

The state government should collaborate with schools, healthcare professionals, civil society organisations, and development partners to implement the policy. Annual budgetary allocations should support its implementation, while the relevant legislative committees monitor progress through school inspections, public reporting, and feedback from students.

Expected Impact

This policy would promote girls’ school attendance and retention, protect their dignity, improve menstrual health awareness, and advance gender equality in education. It would also strengthen government accountability by ensuring that commitments to girls’ rights translate into practical action.

Every girl deserves an equal opportunity to learn, grow, and achieve her dreams without menstrual health challenges becoming a barrier to her education.

The traders, artisans, drivers and small business owners who keep Lagos running will reach old age with no pension. Nigeria's Micro Pension Plan was created for them in 2019, but only about 17,000 informal workers nationwide were actively contributing at the end of 2025. Pensions are regulated federally, but Lagos holds the levers that matter most for uptake. This proposal calls on the Lagos State House of Assembly to pass an Informal Workers Pension Inclusion Law that matches the first contributions of low-income savers, enrols workers through the associations and state services they already use, and protects their money from misuse.

The problem

At Fidelity Pension Managers, I watched older men and women come in to claim the benefits they now depend on to survive. It struck me that they were the fortunate few people who had spent years working for organisations inside the pension system. I thought of a relative who ran a retail cosmetics shop for over 12 years. Today, at her age, she is still struggling to make ends meet, because no retirement system was ever built for someone like her. Her story is the story of most working people in Lagos.

Statistics by Nairametrics point out that about 92% of employed Nigerians work in the informal and only around 11.2 million people held retirement savings accounts in March 2026, roughly 12% of the labour force. A report by BusinessDay states that PenCom's Director-General has described informal-sector pension coverage as about 0.25%, effectively zero.

Lagos feels this more than most states, because its economy runs on traders, artisans, transport workers and small business owners. Without a pension, these workers depend on their children in old age, keep working long after their health fails, or fall into poverty. As Nigeria's young population ages, this will become one of the state's largest social and fiscal pressures.

The Law

The Pension Reform Act 2014 created the Contributory Pension Scheme, which is compulsory for employers with three or more staff. Section 2(3) extends the scheme to the self-employed and informal workers, and on that basis PenCom launched the Micro Pension Plan in March 2019. The plan is well designed for irregular incomes:

•        contributors choose how often to pay, whether daily, weekly or monthly

•        40% of savings can be withdrawn for emergencies, with 60% kept for retirement

•        funds are managed by licensed pension fund administrators and held by separate custodians

Yet uptake has been very low. The barriers are well understood given that participation is voluntary, informal workers distrust financial institutions after years of failed savings schemes, there is little reward for the first naira saved, and signing up still feels distant from daily working life.

What Lagos can do

Lagos cannot change the Pension Reform Act or regulate pension administrators; those are federal matters for PenCom. But federal design is not what holds informal workers back. What holds them back is trust, convenience and the lack of an immediate reason to start, and on all three the state has real levers:

•        Money. The state can fund incentives for its own residents to save.

•        Reach. It licenses traders, transport operators and businesses, registers residents, runs markets and funds enterprise loans.

•        Trust. It works daily with the market, transport and artisan associations that informal workers rely on.

The proposal uses these levers alongside the federal scheme, without duplicating it.

THE PROPOSAL: AN INFORMAL WORKERS PENSION INCLUSION LAW

1.      Match the first contributions. For low-income Lagos residents who join the Micro Pension Plan, the state would add a matching contribution, for example 50 naira for every 100 saved, up to a yearly cap, for the first two years. This turns the first contribution from a sacrifice into a visible gain, which is what drives people to keep saving.

2.      Enrol people where they already are. Every time an informal worker deals with the state, such as registering a business, renewing a trade or transport permit, applying for a Lagos State Employment Trust Fund loan or registering as a resident, they would be offered on-the-spot enrolment through a licensed pension agent. Joining would stay voluntary, but the offer would be automatic.

3.      Work through associations. The state would sign partnerships with market, transport and artisan associations, training trusted members as pension champions and recognising associations that reach enrolment targets.

4.      Protect contributors' money. All contributions must go directly from the worker's phone or bank to the pension administrator. No association, agent or official may collect or hold cash on a contributor's behalf, and doing so would be an offence. A simple complaints line would let contributors report problems.

5.      Make public contracts set the example. Firms bidding for Lagos State contracts would have to show they are compliant with their own pension obligations, so the state does not reward employers who leave their staff without cover.

6.      Partnership with PenCom and the industry. The state would work with PenCom, pension fund administrators and licensed pension agents on outreach, so the campaign speaks with one voice.

Implementation, research and measuring success

The law should start with a two-year pilot in a few large markets and motor parks, with a fixed budget for the matching contribution, before rolling out statewide. The match can be capped and time-limited to keep the cost predictable.

The pilot should be research-led. A partner organisation or research group would compare pilot and non-pilot areas and track:

•        new enrolments and the share of accounts actively contributing after 6 and 12 months

•        average contribution amounts and how often people pay

•        the cost of the matching contribution per active contributor

•        workers' trust in and understanding of the scheme, through short surveys

The House of Assembly would receive a yearly report and hold an oversight hearing before deciding on statewide rollout.

Objections to the Proposal

1.      Pensions are a federal matter. Regulation is federal, and this proposal leaves it untouched. Lagos would act only through its own spending, licensing and partnerships, all of which are within state powers.

2.      The state cannot afford to match contributions. The match is capped, time-limited and piloted on a fixed budget. It is also far cheaper than supporting a generation of destitute older residents later.

3.      Informal workers earn too little to save. The Micro Pension Plan accepts small, irregular payments, and its emergency withdrawal option means savings are not locked away when a crisis hits. Many informal workers already save through contribution groups; this offers a safer, regulated home for that habit.

Conclusion

Nigeria built a pension system that works well for the minority in formal jobs. The majority, including the people who sell, build, drive and repair in Lagos every day, are still outside it. The federal framework already exists. What is missing is the push that turns a voluntary scheme into a habit, and Lagos is best placed to provide it. By matching first contributions, enrolling people where they already are and protecting their money, Lagos can show the rest of the country how to bring retirement security to the informal economy.

Despite budget allocations, rural communities often lack visibility on localized projects. This policy mandates the creation of an open-source, mobile-friendly state dashboard where every approved capital project at the state and local government level must be uploaded with its exact geolocation, contractor details, and funding status. By legislating radical transparency, we empower grassroots organizations and citizens to act as independent auditors, curbing abandoned projects and ensuring public funds translate into actual community infrastructure.

After the domestication of the Disability Act, 2018 in Ekiti state into the Discrimination Against Persons with Disability (Prohibition) law, the implementation of key sections on the law has been faced with several barriers which has disenfranchised persons with disabilities, especially youths with disabilities at various levels.

To drive the genuine, sustainable implementation of the Ekiti State Disability Law (2020), we must transition from passive legal protections to an active, accountable, and economic-driven enforcement system. While the current law clearly mandates crucial rights, including a five percent employment quota for Persons with Disabilities (PWDs), accessible infrastructure, and anti-discrimination safeguards which is a significant implementation gap which remains. Young PWDs across communities in Ekiti State continue to face systemic barriers to employment, accessible education (including tertiary institutions), and public spaces, often reducing robust statutory provisions to mere intent. To bridge this gap, I therefore propose the policy initiative titled “The Ekiti Youth Disability Inclusion and Economic Empowerment Framework (EYDIE-Framework),” an action-oriented policy framework designed to institutionalize compliance, promote economic independence, and protect the rights and livelihoods of young persons with disabilities across Ekiti State.

The first core pillar of this policy introduces the 5% Quota Compliance and Disability Inclusion Index, which would be an annual data-driven assessment managed by the Ekiti State Agency for the welfare of Persons with Disabilities (EKSODA) in collaboration with organization of persons with disabilities (OPDs) and other civil society organizations in the state. This index will evaluate all Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs), as well as private contractors and corporate bodies in Ekiti State, on their adherence to the five percent employment quota and physical accessibility standards as provisioned in the Ekiti State's disability law. Crucially, the policy will link high compliance scores to tangible benefits, such as preference in state procurement bidding and state tax incentives, while non-compliant entities face administrative queries and public disclosure. By establishing clear metrics and leveraging state procurement mechanisms, this helps to move disability inclusion from a charity model to the human right model, both in corporate and public governance.

The second pillar focuses directly on youth livelihoods through the Ekiti State Ministry of Innovation, Science and Digital Economy (MISDE). Recognizing that employment quotas can only be filled when candidates are equipped with market-relevant and employability skill, this initiative partners the state government with private tech hubs, vocational centers, and technical colleges across Ekiti’s three senatorial districts. The program will offer sponsored, fully accessible training in digital skills, vocational crafts, and enterprise management tailored specifically for youths with disabilities. Upon completion, participating companies and government agencies seeking to fulfill their statutory employment quota will draw directly from this certified talent pool, creating a seamless pipeline from skill acquisition to gainful employment and financial autonomy.

At the core of this policy idea towards ensuring these rights are enforceable and public spaces are truly inclusive, the policy framework establishes a Disability Rights Enforcement Desk within the Office of the Public Defender and mandates an Inclusive Infrastructure Pre-Disbursement Audit. The dedicated legal desk will provide free legal aid and streamline reporting mechanisms for young PWDs facing discrimination, labor exploitation, or denial of access in public or private institutions. Concurrently, the infrastructure audit mandates that no public funds for new state construction or renovation projects will be fully disbursed without prior certification of universal accessibility standards including ramps, tactile paving, and accessible sanitary facilities. By addressing this institutional compliance, economic empowerment, legal redress, and physical accessibility simultaneously, this policy framework will ensures the Ekiti State Disability Law becomes a living and working document/manual and effective shield for young persons with disabilities in Ekiti State, enabling them to thrive as equal, productive, and prominent contributor as well as beneficiary in our state's development